Colombia’s Quest for Peace and Justice:
The International and National Context
By James Petras
Global Research, February 28, 2012
URL of this article: www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=29529
Introduction
Between
April 21 -23, the National Patriotic Council will convoke thousands of
activists from most of the major urban and rural social movements and
trade unions, human rights groups and indigenous , afro-colombian
movements, who will meet to unify forces and launch, what promises to be
the most significant new political movement in recent history. United
by a common pledge to seek a political solution to over 60 years of
armed social conflict, the meeting will decide on a strategy to defeat
past and present narco- para political regimes, recuperate land and
households for 4 million displaced peasants, Indians, farmers and
Afro-Colombians. Central to the mission of this gathering will be the
recovery of national sovereignty, severely compromised by the presence
of seven US military bases, the large-scale, long-term takeover by
foreign multi-nationals of the country’s mineral and energy resources
and the protection of indigenous and afro-Colombian communities from
environmental depredation. The April meeting has been proceeded by mass
gatherings, organized by popular councils, intent on breaking military,
paramilitary and the landlords political machines’ control over the
electorate.
There
is good reason to believe that this political movement will succeed
where others failed, in large part because of the width and breadth of
the participants, the growing co-operation and unity in common struggles
for land reform, participatory democracy, and near universal opposition
to US backed militarism and the neo-liberal free trade agreement.
International Perspectives: A Promising Context
Never
has the international climate, especially in Latin America, been so
favorable for the growth of Colombia ’s popular democratic initiative
and the eventual political success of this “movement of movements”.
Throughout
most of South America and the Caribbean a favorable historic moment
ofregional autonomy has taken organizational form, backed by almost all
the major countries in the region. ALBA( Bolivarian Alternative for
Latin America) links a dozen Caribbean and Andean countries in a pact of
regional integration led by the dynamic, democratic, anti-imperialist
government of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. UNASUR,(Union of South
American Nations) MERCOSUR(Common Southern Market) and other regional
organizations, are expressions of the growing political and economic
independence of Latin America and a rejection of the US dominated
OAS(Organization of American States). In practical terms, the growth of
these independent regional organizations has meant a rejection of
US sponsoredmilitary intervention, as illustrated by their repudiation
of the Washington backed military coup in Honduras in 2009. Latin
America’s opposition to Washington’s Free Trade of the America’s
Agreement led to the growth of intra-regional trade and forced
Washington to seek ‘bilateral’free trade agreements’ with Chile,
Colombia, Panama and Mexico.
The
growth of autonomous regional integration provides two strategic
advantages: it lessens economic dependence on the US and weakens
Washington ’s leverage in imposing economic sanctions against any
nationalist, populist or socialist government in the region. This is
evident in Washington ’s failure to secure any Latin American support
for its blockade of Cuba or sanctions against Venezuela . The decline
of US political influence and economic dominance opens a historic
opportunity for a popular nationalist and democratic government in
Colombia torealistically develop a new alternative development model
centered on greater social equity.
The
dynamic growth of Asian markets, especially China , provides Latin
America with a historic opportunity to diversify its markets, increase
trade and secure favorable prices for its exports. The advantage of
Asian trade relations is that they are not encumbered by subversion by
the CIA and the Pentagon – they are based on strictly mutually
beneficial economic relations and non-intervention in the internal
relations of each country. The diversification of trade is well
advanced: China has replaced the US and the EU as the principle trading
partner of Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Peru and the list is growing as
Asia rapidly expands at over 8% and the US-EU economies wallow in
recession.
Latin
America is no longer subject to the cyclical volatility of US-EU
financial markets. During the financial crises of 2008-2010 of the US
and Europe, Latin America was able to turn increasingly to China for
financing: China ’s lending to Latin America grew from $1 billion
dollars in 2008, to $18 billion in 2009 to $36 billion in 2010.
Moreover, countries like Argentina and Ecuador , which cannot access
private capital markets in the US and EU because of debt defaults,can
draw loans from Chinese state banks. Between 2005-2010, China lent Latin
America $75 billion and by 2010 Chinese loans exceeded the combined
loans of the IMF, World Bank and BID.
Moreover,
Chinese state banks do not impose harsh political and economic
“conditions” to their Latin borrowers as does the IMF. In other words,
Latin Americans intent on external financing, can borrow from China to
finance structural changes including agrarian reform and the
nationalization of banks without fearing economic reprisals from
overseas lenders.
ALBA
provides an important ‘sub-regional grouping’ and a forum representing
a forceful rejection of imperial wars, an opportunity for deeper
Caribbean integration and a defense against imperial political and
military intervention as well as favorable subsidies on petroleum
imports. ALBA provides Colombia with an opportunity to deepen its
strategic ties with Venezuela and Ecuador , as they share a common
frontier , highly complementary economies and a common historical and
cultural Bolivarian legacy.
In
contrast to the period between the late 1970’s to 2000 when Washington
dominated Latin America via client military and civilian regimes and the
neoliberal dogma enshrined in the so called Washington Consensus of
1996,and limited the freedom of action of an independent popular
government, today, a free and independent Colombia would have an
immensely more favorable international, political and economic
environment.
The Decline of US Global Power
US
influence is declining on a world scale: China and India have
displaced the US as the major trading partners in Asia, Latin America,
Africa and in major countries in the Middle East . Russia’s economy and
military has recovered from the catastrophic pillage during the Yeltsin
era and is pursuing an independent policy .This is evident in Russia’s
military sales and petroleum agreements with Venezuela, its UN Security
Council veto of the NATO backed mercenary assault of Syria and its
closer ties with China.
Along
with the emergence of a multi-polar world of Russia-China-Latin
America, the Middle East and North Africa is in the midst of a series of
anti-imperialist and popular democratic rebellions which threaten US
client dictatorships.
Equally
important the US’s prolonged, costly and losing wars in Iraq and
Afghanistan, has been immensely unpopular internally, and along with the
fiscal and trade deficit and financial crises, has undermined public
support for new large scale ground wars.
In
other words the US is much less capable of sustaining a large scale
military intervention against a major country like Colombia , if and
when a new popular government is elected.
The Demise of the Neo-Liberal Capitalist Model
Today
as never before in recent history, real existent “free-market
capitalism” has, demonstrated on a world scale its failure to provide
the essentials of the good life. In Greece , Spain , Portugal , Italy
youth unemployment hovers between 35% to 50%; and overall unemployment
approaches or exceeds 20%. In the EU and the US real unemployment and
underemployment exceeds a quarter of the labor force.
Economic
recession, financial crises and declining living and working conditions
are the defining conditions of the US and Europe . In other words, the
capitalist model in crises for five years offers no alternative for the
great majority working in the ‘developed imperialist countries’ or the
so-called “developing countries”.
This
presents a golden ideological opportunity to demonstrate that a
socialist society based on democratic participation is a viable
alternative to crises ridden capitalism.
Class and National Struggles: The Emerging Reality
Throughout
the world today, from Southern Europe to the Middle East, from Asia to
North America , mass popular revolts, have taken prime of place.
General strikes, mass demonstration and street fighting rage in the
capitals of Greece , Portugal and Italy . Mass democratic movements
confront dictators in Egypt , Tunisia , Bahrain , and the Gulf States
. ‘Occupy movements’ in the US and Spain spread to new countries,
rejecting class based “austerity”. In the face of the recovery of
profits at the expense of massive cuts in wages, public services,
pensions, health care, new middle class sectors join the struggle.
Even
in the high growth Asian capitalist countries, like China , the working
class rebels against the inequalities and exploitation: over 200,000
strikes and protests in 2011 recall the popular rebellions of the
Cultural Revolution against hierarchy and abuse. In summary the
regional and world correlation of forces is very favorable to the
emergence of a new dynamic unified political movement in Colombia .
However, there are dangers and obstacles that need to be taken into
account.
Obstacles and Challenges
The
decline and decay of US power and influence does not lessen the dangers
of direct Special Forces assassinations, indirect military
intervention via local military proxies and economic destabilization.
Washington
has developed a clandestine army of special forces, armed assassin
operations, in 75 countries. The US retains 750 military bases around
the world. As we saw in Honduras , the US still has leverage over the
military and allies among the oligarchs to overthrow a progressive
government. The US has a reserve army of local politicians and NGOs
ready to replace established dictators when they are overthrown.
Washington
and NATO Europe provided air and naval support and supplied arms to
local mercenaries and fundamentalists to overthrow independent leaders
like Gadhafi in Libya.Today they provide arms to mercenaries to
assault President Assad in Syria. The US and EU are building a
military armada surrounding Iran and promoting economic sanctions to
strangle its economy. More ominously Washington is encircling China
and Russia with military bases ,missles and warships.
In
other words, imperialism in economic decline still retains military
options to deter the advance of a pluralist global political system.
Imperial states do not surrender power unless they face unified regional
alliances and, equally important, governments with united mass popular
support.
The
positive development of Latin American integration is a step toward
greater independence but it has strategic weaknesses: namely internal
class contradictions and conflicts over development models. Economic
growth and diversification of markets has lessened USdominance but it
has also strengthened the power and wealth of the domestic ruling
classes and multi-national agro-mineral corporations.
Inequalities of
wealth, income and landownership flourish in Brazil , Chile , Peru ,
Ecuador , Bolivia and elsewhere, even as some of these regimes claim to
be “popular governments”. Moreover, the “anti-imperialism” of ALBA
countries like Bolivia does not extend to the dozens of foreign owned
mineral extracting and petroleum exploiting multi-nationals which
dominate the country. Argentina may promote an independent foreign
policy but over one-third of its countryside is owned by foreign
capital.
In
other words while the growth of independent governments in Latin
America contributes to limiting the domination of the US, Colombian
movements must also recognize the limitations and class contradictions
of the ‘progressive’ countries in the region. Only Venezuela has
pursued strong redistributive and nationalist policies.
The
principle obstacles facing the new Colombian political movements are
domestic: the entrenched oligarchy and its allies in the state,
especially within the military and paramilitary forces. If
the external environment is largely favorable, the internal political
regime presents a formidable obstacle, especially the continued
assassination of dozens of prominent trade union, peasant and human
rights activists.
The
de-militarization of civil society beginning with the dismantling of
the US military bases, the discontinuation of Plan Colombia and the
demobilization of the armed forces (over 300,000 plus private
paramilitary gangs) are major steps toward opening political space for
the excrcise of democratic rights. The democratization of elections
requires the termination of the state penetration and coercion of civil
society.
The
democratization of Colombia requires the growth of powerful
independent social movements representing all popular sectors of
Colombian society; judicial investigation and prosecution of ex
narco-President Álvaro Uribe and his closest collaborators, for
political homicides, needs to extend to the present Santos regime. The
recent “free trade agreement” between Obama and Santos must be
repudiated as it is an obstacle to domestic development and deepening
more promising economic relations with Venezuela and the rest of Latin
America and Asia.
Above
all over 4 million displaced Colombians, forcibly dispossessed by the
Uribe regime, must be mobilized to repossess their lands and provided
with credit, loans and an opportunity to escape their current misery and
squalor.
Colombia
’s current rulers cannot point to a single example of a successful
neo-liberal model in Europe, Latin America or the United States .
Neo-liberal Mexico and Central America are over-run by drug
cartels,with 80,000 plus homicides over the past 5 years and the lowest
growth rates in the region. The US economy stagnates with over 20% un
and underemployed. The European Union is on the verge of
disintegration. Clearly Marx’s critique of growing capitalist
immiseration is being confirmed. It is time for the new political
movements to consider a “Colombian road to socialism” built on public
ownership of the commanding heights of the economy, agrarian reform,
sustainable agriculture,and environmental protection under democratic
control.
It
is in this spirit of optimism and critical analysis that I send my
solidarity and unconditional support to the organizers, activists and
militant participants attending this historic gathering . I am
confident sooner rather then later they will lead Colombia to its
“second and final independence”.
James Petras latest book on Latin America co-authored with Henry Veltmeyer is Beyond Neoliberalism: A World to Win (Ashgate:Surrey 2011)
